Sunday, September 21, 2014

1) Will Indonesia’s new president end one of Asia’s oldest conflicts?

1) Will Indonesia’s new president end one of Asia’s oldest conflicts?

2) Jokowi’s victory brings high hopes and challenge


1) Will Indonesia’s new president end one of Asia’s oldest conflicts?

JAKARTA, Indonesia — “It’s safe here in Papua. There is nothing to hide.”
That’s what Indonesian President-elect Joko Widodo said when asked on the campaign trail whether foreign journalists would be allowed into West Papua. “Why not?” he said. It was as if foreign journalists and activists hadn’t essentially been banned for decades from Indonesia’s easternmost province, a rugged jungle outpost replete with oppression, rag-tag insurgents and wildly destructive mineral exploitation. If Jokowi, as the future president is known, honors his promise to allow scrutiny of Papua after he assumes office in October, it will be a sharp departure from the preferences of Indonesia’s entrenched security apparatus.

Currently, the authorities say they restrict access to the province for safety reasons, due to ongoing conflict with the Free Papua Movement, a lightly armed separatist movement. The Indonesian military has a strong presence in the region, and the few foreign journalists granted permission to visit are constantly shadowed by local officials.
 Already, the security forces appear to have called his bluff.
Jokowi, a populist political neophyte with a man-of-the-people image, is one of very few Indonesian leaders not hailing from the military.

Weeks after he was elected, they arrested two French TV journalists, Valentine Bourrat and Thomas Dandois, for illegally working on a tourist visa. The pair were researching a documentary for Arte on Western Papua’s separatist movement.

While unauthorized journalists are usually deported immediately, the pair have now been in police custody since early August. The local authorities have said they were present at an exchange of ammunition by a separatist group. They face possible criminal charges and five years in jail.


The Japan Times

2) Jokowi’s victory brings high hopes and challenges



In July, Joko Widodo, universally known as Jokowi, won a decisive victory in Indonesia’s presidential elections. Even before assuming office in October, he faces extravagant expectations in a nation that has endured mercurial (Sukarno), repressive (Suharto) and feckless (B.J. Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid, Megawati Sukarnoputri and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono) leaders since gaining independence from ruinous Dutch colonial rule.
In a nation with a messianic streak, Jokowi inspires enthusiasm across the spectrum, from the poor and marginalized to businessmen, secularists and moderate Muslims who all invest high hopes in him. He is bound to disappoint, not because he lacks the courage of his convictions, but because so many powerful players have so much to lose if he succeeds.
With Jokowi enjoying a massive lead in public opinion polls the elections were supposed to be a landslide, but his rival Prabowo Subianto hired U.S. Republican political strategists who crafted a nasty campaign of innuendo and false accusations (wasn’t Jokowi really born in Singapore?!) combined with lavish advertising and patriotic spectacles to make it a closely fought election. Prabowo contested the results, alleging massive fraud, but his appeal was rejected and the results stand, Jokowi having won 53 percent of the 140 million votes cast with a stellar turnout of about 75 percent in this nation of nearly 255 million.
Prabowo, a former military officer and son-in-law of Suharto (who ruled 1967-98), was implicated in the killing of students and instigating anti-Chinese rioting in 1998, but offset this sordid record by projecting a tough, can-do image that appealed to voters. He also played the Islamic card, wooing the Islamic parties by suggesting that Jokowi is soft on Christians and Shiites in a nation dominated by Sunnis. Although this cynical appeal to chauvinist sentiments may have helped Prabowo, voters ratified Indonesia’s secular identity.
Professor Jun Honna of Ritsumeikan University in Kyoto, Japan’s leading Indonesian political expert, believes this poll in particular was a watershed event.
“Jokowi’s election is significant in eliminating a powerful legacy of Suharto’s authoritarianism presented by Prabowo, and is the first time in Indonesia’s history that an ordinary person has become president,” he says.
Fifteen years ago, as Indonesia shrugged off three decades of military rule, few observers would have predicted it evolving so rapidly into the most robust democracy in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). This successful election in Asia’s second-largest democracy, pulled off in a sprawling archipelago that is home to the world’s largest Muslim population, discredits the notion that democracy and Islam are incompatible. In fact, Indonesian democratic institutions emerged with flying colors in a region where democracy is often dysfunctional and marred by fraud and violence. In contrast, Singapore, Malaysia, Brunei, Myanmar and Cambodia have never experienced a transfer of power to the political opposition, while Laos and Vietnam have one-party communist rule. Thailand and the Philippines are the only other ASEAN members that have experienced a democratic handover of power to the political opposition, but Indonesia’s elections are relatively clean and peaceful and political jousting is not quite so vindictive. In the Philippines, the last two presidents had their predecessors arrested, while in Thailand the military seized power earlier this year and former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra faces prison if he returns.
Meanwhile, many Malaysians believe their government stole the last election while Myanmar’s leaders are guilty of democratic backsliding as they prepare for national elections in 2015.
Jokowi’s appeal is his crusade against corruption, but making the transition from mayor of a provincial town and governor of Jakarta to the nation’s chief executive will be a daunting challenge.
Pundits harp on about Jokowi’s lack of foreign-policy expertise, but this is not a great concern. China has become ASEAN’s bete noire, but it is not an urgent threat. The rift with international mining firms over nationalist economic policies that sparked a steep drop in mining exports this year appears temporarily resolved, but bears watching. Perhaps his greatest security headache may be in dealing with repercussions from Islamic State’s success in Iraq and Syria and the potential for a revival of terrorism at home.
Jokowi promises to slash fuel subsidies to cut the budget deficit, but this could have nasty implications given that the impact will disproportionately affect lower-income households, which are his political base. Aside from expediting approvals of pending infrastructure projects, he also highlights the need to promote access to health and educational services.
“Policies such as health care and free education can be implemented without strong resistance from the elite in the parliament, because these are the issues which do not disturb the existing rent-seeking practice of the party elite,” says Honna, who predicts that “some bureaucratic reforms are also very likely, such as e-procurement, e-budgeting, and the auctioning of strategic posts in the bureaucracy in the name of reform.”
The problem for Jokowi is that he faces excessive expectations.
“His biggest challenge is corruption,” Honna says. “He has promised to do so but his power base in political institutions is weak. He is not even a party leader. “It is very likely that his anti-corruption initiative will be blocked not only by the opposition in the parliament, but also within the coalition and within his own party.”
Indeed, parliament sneakily passed a law in July on the day of the presidential elections that makes it extraordinarily difficult to investigate its members for corruption by requiring any such probe get parliamentary approval before proceeding. Jokowi has moved to get the Supreme Court to invalidate this law.
Failure to make visible progress on corruption could undermine Jokowi’s popularity and thereby embolden his opponents.
Yet there is so much corruption in Indonesia that it won’t be hard to make some dramatic examples of fat cats. If he is able to tackle corruption related to the military — a no-go zone in Indonesia — then it will represent more than political theater.
According to Australia National University’s Ariel Heryanto, there are two areas in which Jokowi could shine: promoting religious tolerance and hitting the reset button on Jakarta’s failed policies toward Papua, the turbulent province where successive governments have failed to win local trust. The previous Yudhoyono administration averted its eyes from escalating attacks on religious minorities, but Heryanto believes Jokowi has the mandate to help curb such abuses.
Papuan leaders supported Jokowi’s presidential bid so prospects are good for more dialogue to address the desire for greater autonomy and less of a heavy-handed security presence.
“But local corruption and conflict are deeply rooted in Papua, so the national initiative seems to have obvious limitations,” Honna says. “Thus no big change can be expected.”
This may also be the case overall, as Jokowi strives to promote a game-changing agenda in the face of stiff opposition.
Jeff Kingston is the director of Asian Studies, Temple University Japan.

Friday, September 19, 2014

1) Papuans Reject Special Autonomy Plus

1) Papuans Reject Special Autonomy Plus
2) Scottish Referendum Holds Some Valuable Lessons for Indonesia


FRIDAY, 19 SEPTEMBER, 2014 | 18:40 WIB
1) Papuans Reject Special Autonomy Plus
TEMPO.COJayapura - General Coordinator of the National Army of Free Papuan Organization (OPM) Lambert Pekikir has rejected the change of Special Autonomy Law of 2001 into Special Autonomy Plus. He said that the Special Autonomy Plus, as realized by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) yesterday, is a waste of time.
"What we ask is that we sit together and talk about Papua," said Lambert. He believes that problems in Papua cannot be solved just by providing annual budget, which has also often gone missing. "Papuan Officials only want the money for their interest. Meanwhile, the people suffer," Lambert added.
Papuans demand independence not because they are marginalized, but because their political rights are taken.
OPM Commander of Lanny Jaya, Purom Wenda, confirmed and added: "We refuse Special Autonomy Plus. We want referendum. That is fixed," Lambert said.


2) Scottish Referendum Holds Some Valuable Lessons for Indonesia

By Johannes Nugroho on 09:30 pm Sep 19, 2014
Category CommentaryOpinion

(JG Graphics/Josep Tri Ronggo)

This week, millions of Scots vote on whether to continue being part of the United Kingdom or venture out to become a separate nation-state. The referendum was won by the supporters of the status quo but nevertheless appears to be the culmination of the growth of Scottish nationalism that has re-asserted itself after centuries of being overshadowed by the more dominant English political construct and culture.

As a case study, Scottish separatism can provide Indonesia with a few pointers in dealing with our own separatist movements, notably in Aceh and Papua/West Papua. To do so, we need to understand the reasons behind many Scots’ desire to split up from the rest of Britain in the first place.
The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, generally speaking, comprises a number of ethnic groups with their own unique histories and traditions: the English, the Welsh, the Scots, the Irish and the Cornish. Both England and Scotland were rival states before the death of English Queen Elizabeth. Unmarried, she had no issue and therefore the line of English succession went to the Scottish House of Stuarts whose members were cousins to the Tudors. So, in 1603 the Scottish King James VI became James I of England.

However, politically the two nations remained separate until 1707 when England and Scotland merged to become the Kingdom of Great Britain during the reign of the last of the Stuart monarchs, Queen Anne. The new British parliament was centered in Westminster, London, the old seat of the English Parliament. Owing to the size and population of Scotland, it soon politically became the junior partner in the new British state.
As all of Queen Anne’s offspring had predeceased her, when she died, the crown went to her German cousins in Hanover, as the remaining Catholic Stuarts were barred from the succession. Thus, the advent of the Hanoverian House marked the end of Scottish royalty on the British throne.

Royal politics aside, the main grievances of today’s Scottish nationalism are not about economic injustice. Nor is it about lack of autonomy. Since the devolved parliament of 1999, Scotland has virtually managed its own internal affairs. But it seems that for many Scottish nationalists, the recent redresses by Westminster have come a little too late. The salve has failed to heal the centuries of being sidelined, and the feeling that Scottish history and culture have been overlooked in favour of its English counterparts.

Interestingly, what happened to Scotland and its people has also happened in the Indonesian provinces where separatist sentiments have gained momentum. In Aceh and Papua, past military actions by Jakarta against the locals are still fresh on our minds. The misguided policy reminds us of the atrocities committed against the Scots at the 18th-century Battle of Culloden, where thousands of highlanders were brutally slaughtered.
As a result of past insults, Jakarta — like London to Scotland and Wales — had to concede to both Aceh and Papua more autonomous powers in a bid to prevent the provinces from seceding altogether. Aceh, these days, is perhaps the most self-governing province in the country.
Yet Jakarta’s grip on Papua/West Papua is still strong. The mere notion of an independent Papua is almost inconceivable for Jakarta. Indeed, the endeavour to keep Papua has been extensive, from military to economic.

The best Indonesian leader to deal with the Papuans was perhaps President Abdurrahman Wahid, who had enough sensitivity to recognize that a change of name was in order for Papua, previously called Irian Jaya. He even allowed the Papuans to fly their “Bintang Kejora” flag, an act that is considered treason nowadays.
The same sensitivity, regrettably, is lacking today in Jakarta, where the conventional wisdom has it that Papuan separatism is rooted in economics. Indeed, there is a widespread belief among our bureaucrats that when these easternmost provinces are brought to the same levels of development, education and prosperity as the rest of the country, the desire for separatism will cease.

Unfortunately, this hypothesis fails to take into account the crucial questions of ethnohistorical identity and culture. The people of Papua, racially as well as culturally, have less in common with the largest ethnic group in the country, the Javanese, than the people of Aceh. Therefore, Jakarta’s attempts to “Indonesianize,” or rather, in most cases, “Javanize” the two provinces, will only store up trouble for the future.
The rigid national school curriculum mandates that Papuan students study the state-approved accounts of how non-Papuan heroes fought against the Dutch colonialists. At school, they are also forced to get to know animals that are non-indigenous to the region. As traveling between cities is still very difficult in the provinces, the possibility for an ordinary Papuan child to see an elephant, for example, is very remote indeed.

As the Scottish case has demonstrated, more than economics is needed to make a political union relevant to minority groups like the Papuans. Greater sensitivity is overdue in the way Jakarta seeks to discourage Papuans from separatism. Perhaps the best way to keep them in our unitary state is to protect their right to be Papuan, unique in their own history and traditions, rather than try to make them more like the rest of the country.

For Benny Wenda, Scottish vote is a chance to dream

For Benny Wenda, Scottish vote is a chance to dream
Date September 19, 2014 - 2:09PM
Nick Miller Europe Correspondent

Edinburgh: Over a long night, through the wee hours, Scotland will count its referendum votes as an army of scrutineers keep an eye on proceedings.
Some of them are there out of passion, some out of concern, some for loyalty, some for civic duty.
But for Benny Wenda it is so he can dream.

"My dream is that in a peaceful way West Papua will have the right to choose their own destiny like Scottish people," he said. "[What] I am witnessing directly now, it gives me hope that one day it might happen to the West Papuan people."
Mr Wenda is one of West Papua's independence leaders, who lives in exile in England under political asylum after escaping an Indonesian jail - he had been convicted for leading an independence rally and raising the West Papuan flag.

But he felt drawn to Scotland for the referendum.
"This campaign is about my life," he told Fairfax in an Edinburgh cafe. "I want to learn, and see, and witness directly."
 He is here for a practical reason – to see how it's done – but also on principle, to make sure the message gets back to his people and to Indonesia that it can and should be done.
The day before he had addressed a thousand-strong Yes campaign rally in Glasgow, where he spoke about his life and sang a song on freedom that he wrote in prison.

Mr Wenda has been in Britain for 11 years. He grew up in the jungle in West Papua's highlands, and his family were assaulted, and some killed, by the Indonesian military, he says.
From a young age he has dedicated himself to the West Papuan independence cause. A series of regional assemblies known as the Act of Free Choice were held to vote on relinquishing sovereignty to Indonesia in 1969, but these have since been condemned as neither free nor fair.
"This [Scottish referendum] is very different, there is no intimidation, no military on the street," he said. "There are no blockades or bloodshed. This is the peaceful way."
He hopes that, whether it results in Yes or No, the fact that the referendum was held will send a message to the Indonesian government, that "you witness [how to] give my people [the right] to choose their own destiny".

"I want the Indonesia government to learn what democratic values mean when they are fully implemented here."
He also hopes the sight of a Scottish vote will help bring Australia onside with his cause.
Mr Wenda got in touch with Scottish political group Radical Independence, which arranged for him to work as one of their scrutineers at the count.
Scotland's referendum has attracted separatist activists from across the world – regions such as Catalonia, Flanders, Kurdistan, Quebec and even Texas have flocked to Edinburgh. They're here to learn how it's done and to hitch their wagon to the most media-friendly independence story on the planet.

"If Scotland votes 'yes,' it will be an eye-opener for many people," Mark Demesmaeker, a Flemish member of the European Parliament, told The New York Times. "It's a democratic evolution that is going on in different states of the European Union."
Mr Wenda said it was an honour to have a small part in the referendum.
On Wednesday in Glasgow he held up the West Papuan flag – and was overjoyed by the sight of so many Saltires waving alongside it.
"There is no restriction, no prison," he said. "My flag-raising in Papua was 15 years in prison.
"[This] is really touching with emotion. One day this flag can be raised forever in West Papua."

Thursday, September 18, 2014




UA: 232/14 Index: ASA 21/027/2014 Indonesia Date: 17 September 2014
Papuan human rights lawyer Anum Siregar was attacked by an unknown person in Wamena, Papua province. She is currently defending a tribal leader who is a prisoner of conscience accused of supporting separatist activities. There are concerns for her safety.
Amnesty International has received information about an attack on human rights lawyer Anum Siregarin Wamena, Papua province. Anum Siregar was attacked by an unknown person at about 11pm on 16 September on the way back to her hotel from a court hearing. The attacker, armed with a knife, stole her bag and injured her hand before fleeing the scene. Anum Siregar received treatment for her injuries at Wamena hospital, requiring at least two stitches.
Anum Siregar and another lawyer had travelled from Jayapura to Wamena to represent Areki Wanimbo, the Head of the Lani Besar Tribal Council, at a pre-trial hearing. When they arrived both felt they were being monitored. They were challenging Areki Wanimbo’s arrest and detention which they believe to have been unlawful and in violation of Indonesia’s Criminal Procedure Code. Areki Wanimbo was arrested on 6 August after meeting two foreign journalists who were making a documentary on the separatist movement in the Papuan region. He was accused of supporting separatist activities and charged with “rebellion” under Articles 106 and 110 of Indonesia’s Criminal Code. Amnesty International considers Areki Wanimbo to be a prisoner of conscience.
Anum Siregar is a respected human rights lawyer and has represented numerous victims of human rights violations in Papua for over a decade. She is also the Director of Alliance of Democracy for Papua (ALDP), a human rights organization in Papua. There are continued concerns that she might face retaliation for her human rights work.
Please write immediately in Indonesian, English or your own language:
Urging the authorities to take immediate action to ensure the safety of Anum Siregar, in accordance with her wishes;
Urging them to conduct a prompt, independent and impartial investigation into any allegations that this attack was linked to Anum Siregar’s work as a human rights defender;
Calling on the authorities to immediately and unconditionally release Areki Wanimbo as he is a prisoner of conscience, arrested solely for the peaceful exercise of his right to freedom of expression;
Establish special mechanisms to ensure the protection of human rights defenders in Indonesia.
Papua Regional Head of Police
Jotje Mende
Jl. Samratulangi No. 8 Jayapura,
Papua, Indonesia
Fax: +62 967 531014 / +62 967 533396
Salutation: Dear Brigadier General
Director General for Human Rights
Harkristuti Harkrisnowo
Ministry of Law and Human Rights
Jl. H.R. Rasuna Said Kav No. 4-5
Kuningan, Jakarta Selatan
12950, Indonesia
Fax: +62 215 253095
Salutation: Dear Harkristuti
And copies to:
Chairperson of the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM)
Mr Hafid Abbas
Jl Latuharhary
No.4 Menteng Jakarta Pusat
10310, Indonesia
Fax: +62 213 912026
Also send copies to diplomatic representatives accredited to your country. Please insert local diplomatic addresses below:
Name Address 1 Address 2 Address 3 Fax Fax number Email Email address Salutation Salutation
Please check with your section office if sending appeals after the above date.


Under Article 2 of the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, each state has a duty to create the conditions necessary to defend human rights within their jurisdictions. However, Amnesty International continues to receive credible reports of attacks against human rights defenders (HRDs) and journalists in Indonesia, and HRDs are regularly intimidated and harassed in the Papua region.
International human rights observers, non-governmental organizations and journalists are severely restricted in their work in the Papua region. Two French journalists arrested by police on 6 August 2014 in Wamena, Papua province, remain in detention for immigration violations. Thomas Dandois and Valentine Bourrat were reportedly making a documentary on the separatist movement in the Papuan region.
The denial of free and unimpeded access to these provinces limits independent reporting of the human rights situation there. In May 2013, the then UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navanethem Pillay, urged Indonesia to “allow international journalists into Papua and to facilitate visits by the Special Rapporteurs of the UN Human Rights Council”.
Most past human rights violations against HRDs in Indonesia, including torture and other ill-treatment, possible unlawful killings and enforced disappearances, remain unsolved and those responsible have not been brought to justice. Besides continued reports of intimidation and attacks against HRDs, they have also been the subject of criminal defamation proceedings due to their work.
Amnesty International calls on the Indonesian government to ensure an environment in which it is possible to defend human rights without fear of reprisal or intimidation. Further, the Indonesian government should establish special mechanisms to protect HRDs, ensure human rights violations committed against HRDs are promptly, effectively and impartially investigated and that those responsible are brought to justice in fair trial proceedings. HRDs who have been victims of abuses due to their work should also be provided with reparations.
Name: Anum Siregar (f) and Areki Wanimbo (m)
Gender m/f: both
UA: 232/14 Index: ASA 21/027/2014 Issue Date: 17 September 2014

1) OPM combatant killed in gunfight

1) OPM combatant killed in  gunfight
2) Indonesia-Australia: The  lame-duck gambit
3) Wings Air launches flights  between Jayapura and Wamena 
4) West Papuan issues for President-elect Jokowi

1) OPM combatant killed in  gunfight
The Jakarta Post, Jayapura | Archipelago | Thu, September 18 2014, 7:40 AM

A member of the Free Papua Movement (OPM) separatist organization was killed Wednesday in a shoot-out with Indonesian Military (TNI) soldiers at the Pirime airfield in Lanny Jaya regency, Papua.
“The OPM combatants were led by Puron Wenda and Enden Wanimbo, who previously killed two police officers in July,” said Cenderawasih regional military command (Kodam) chief Maj. Gen. Christian Zebua in Jayapura.
The gun battle took place at around 12:30 p.m. local time. Another OPM member was reportedly injured.
Papua Police chief Insp. Gen. Yoce Mede said the police would deploy 100 personnel to Lanny Jaya to support local security forces.
Earlier, in July this year, two Pirime Police officers, First Brig. Zulkifli and Second Brig. Yoga, were shot and killed while they were carrying out a community counseling session.

2) Indonesia-Australia: The  lame-duck gambit
Pierre Marthinus, Jakarta | Opinion | Thu, September 18 2014, 9:17 AM
Taking the one-page code of conduct between Jakarta and Canberra at face value as a signal of restored ties poses a real danger to the future of bilateral relations between the two neighbors. In practice, the document conceals the extent of bilateral damage and might be preventing it from receiving much-needed proper treatment.

Instead of “applying pressure” to the wound, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono apparently opted to cover it with a piece of paper instead.

First, the outgoing president seemingly pushed the diplomatic process in an unnatural, hurried and somewhat suspect manner that left the public guessing. A “six-step” gradual process of rapprochement, like many aspects of Yudhoyono’s foreign policy, hardly reflects the diplomatic reality on the ground. It is doubtful that anyone other than Yudhoyono himself can feel, let alone claim, any ownership of the diplomatic process and the final signed document.

Despite the rhetoric of increasing people-to-people (P2P) relations, the code of conduct indicates that relations have taken a much more elitist turn. Understandably, this introduces a certain degree of volatility in bilateral relations should the next row erupt under president-elect Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s watch. The Indonesian public is also left without proper closure since Yudhoyono could not even manage to extract a simple apology from Canberra. Claims that Australia “won the spy war” and “did not budge an inch” are correct. However, it leaves out the ironic fact that Australia did not win the spy war “against Yudhoyono”, but won it “with Yudhoyono” instead.

The latest leaked documents on a graft scandal surrounding the printing of Indonesian banknotes in Australia in 1999 (The Jakarta Post, Aug. 1, 2014) indicates that any future leaks might be — properly or wrongfully — associated with individuals working and events happening under Yudhoyono’s presidency. Understandably, it would be in Yudhoyono’s interests to quickly mend ties and keep himself on Australia’s good side. In contrast, there is very little interest for Jokowi to hand out “get out of jail free” cards to Australia.

Unfortunately, ever since the bilateral row took place, it has also become the Australian media’s favorite pastime to “intentionally misread” Yudhoyono’s actions and perceptions as representing the whole of Indonesia. However, such media biases are entirely understandable since the Indonesian public itself is having difficulty figuring out whether policy options concerning Australia are motivated by Yudhoyono’s own political interest or Indonesia’s larger national interest.

Second, the signing of the code of conduct should be seen as a note of caution about a larger political maneuvering in the last moments of Yudhoyono’s presidency. A lame-duck president might be tempted to hand out a number of strategic national leverages to secure last-minute praise from the West or simply to politically capitalize on the seemingly chaotic transition period.

Jokowi’s transition team has received a bad rap recently due to allegedly being unruly, bypassing procedures and “unnecessarily meddling” in the affairs of certain ministries. Despite being technically sound, these criticisms are substantively irrelevant. President Yudhoyono is currently handing over his “presidential briefcase” to Jokowi. Therefore, it is important for the latter’s team to thoroughly check the briefcase for ticking time bombs before it is passed on. To be fair, though, it is also natural for Yudhoyono to feel untrusted, offended and violated upon being frisked, but this might have more to do with his own insecurities.

Amid all the smoke and mirrors, the transition team should be guarding PT Freeport Indonesia renegotiations closely since Jokowi will be at the receiving end of all political externalities, economic consequences and diplomatic difficulties produced by the gold-mining operator. Despite clarifications, the current government is continuously sending mixed and unclear signals, ranging from postponing renegotiations for future leadership to drafting a legally binding memorandum of understanding (MoU) to seal negotiations early on. This is where the message should be made clear — no more last-minute deals behind closed doors.

The transition team needs to search thoroughly in anticipation of further “buck-passing” of the more difficult policy decisions to incoming president Jokowi. The postponing of the evaluation of special autonomy in Papua, the drafting of the special autonomy “plus” package for Papua and Yudhoyono’s rejection of requests to perform the long-overdue cutting of fuel subsidies are just a few examples of such buck-passing tendencies.

Third, wishful thinking that bilateral relations are fully restored by Yudhoyono’s one-page document is both naive and dangerous. The premature code of conduct swept the trust deficit under the rug and stole away the chance for both countries to learn and appreciate each other’s sensitivities, sensibilities and subtleties. It is the equivalent of breaking off a fight without resolving the underlying problem that initially triggered it.

The document unnecessarily placed Indonesia in a vulnerable position and might be incentivizing further breaches in the future. It conveys the wrong message that openly conducting large-scale intelligence operations from a Jakarta embassy and repeatedly breaching Indonesian sovereign waters will only cost a signature on a piece of paper.

Let’s not forget that Beijing is also keeping a very close eye on Southeast Asia’s largest country. Just to refresh memories, Chinese destroyers Wuhan and Haikou and the country’s largest amphibious landing craft Changbaishan were deployed for simulation drills through the Lombok Strait soon after the Royal Australian Navy repeatedly breached Indonesian waters six times in early 2014.

In Yudhoyono’s dealings with Australia, Indonesia looked entirely like a nation of coolies and a coolie among nations. Despite its growing international stature and being a larger economy than Australia, Indonesia under Yudhoyono has had to receive the coolie treatment from Australia. Jokowi will be walking into the G-20 meeting in Brisbane, Australia, with the difficult challenge of dispelling the image of Indonesia as “the pushover nation, a nation of coolies and a coolie among nations”, thanks to Yudhoyono.
The writer is executive director of the Marthinus Academy in Jakarta.
3) Wings Air launches flights  between Jayapura and Wamena 
Nurfika Osman, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Business | Thu, September 18 2014, 12:51 PM
Wings Air, a subsidiary of the country's largest private carrier, the Lion Group, is launching flights between the Papua provincial capital of Jayapura with Wamena in an effort to strengthen its networks in the east of the country. Wings Air operational director Capt. Redi Irawan said the carrier would fly twice daily between the two cities on Thursday, using a French-Italian turboprop Avions Transport Regional ATR 72-600, which has capacity for up to 72 passengers. "We hope the new route will create easier access for people in Wamena who wish to go to Jayapura or to continue their journeys to other destinations in the country," Redi told The Jakarta Post Thursday, adding that both its budget carrier, Lion Air, and full-service airline Batik Air already link Jayapura with other points in the archipelago. He said Wings planned to increase the number of Jayapura-Wamena flights from two per day to three as of Sept. 22 in order to meet demand. "We are committed to linking more points in the central and eastern parts of Indonesia, which only have small airports, in the future," he said. The carrier aims to connect Palu and Toli Toli (Central Sulawesi), Lombok and Bima (West Nusa Tenggara), and Kupang and Larantuka (East Nusa Tenggara) in the fourth quarter of this year. Wings currently operates 29 ATR 72-500s and ATR 72-600s, and flies to more than 30 destinations in the country.  
4) West Papuan issues for President-elect Jokowi

Received from the Executive Director of the LP3BP-Manokwari on 16
September, 2014.

   During the transition from the government of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice-President Prof. Budono to the government of
the newly elected President, Ir. H Joko Widodo and Vice-President Drs Yusuf Kalla, many things are happening relating to composition of the
cabinet of the new president.

  According to information received by the LP3BH-Manokwari (Institute for Research, Study and Development of Legal Aid), the
president-elect is planning to hold a number of meetings in Jakarta with people from various groups in West Papua.

   This is what one would expect and what we all hope is that  the new government will  act in accordance with the Constitution of
Indonesia, to heal the sufferings of the Indonesian people, including the people of the Land of Papua.

   We stress that it is important for us to submit proposals to the newly-elected president  regarding the need to prioritise a number of
issues which need to  be dealt with in the next five years.  The LP3BH urges the newly-elected president to take early action
for  a dialogue between Papua and Indonesia as the way to secure peace in the Land of Papua.

   We also urge the Indonesian Government to give priority to the many grave human rights violations perpetrated in the past
(1963-1983).as well as violations that have occurred since 1998. These actions should be based on the stipulations in articles 44
and 45 of Law 21/2001 on Special Autonomy for the Province of Papua as
well as Law 26/2000 on Human Rights Courts, in accordance with universal values and principles.

   A Commission of Truth and Reconciliation should be set up by the governments of the provinces of Papua and West Papua by ratifying the
draft Regional  Regulation (Perdasi), as well as setting up a Human
Rights Court for Papua.

   This would ensure that legal action is taken regarding the crimes committed by the security forces known as the Armed Criminal Gangs
(KKB) in Papua, particularly in the Central Highlands of the Land of Papua such as Puncak Jaya  and Lanny Jaya and other places, as well as
activities by the Indonesian Army (TNI) and Police Force (Polri). This should be brought before the military courts or civilian courts in
accordance with the laws in force.  Furthermore, there should be a review of the security system and
security policies carried out by the Indonesian Government and the Indonesian Army and Police Force. This would be in line with the
policy of reform pursued since 1998 within the Army and the Police.

   Another very pressing issue is the evaluation of all that occurred in violation of Law 21/2001 on Special Autonomy for the Province of
Papua, Article 77. All these things should be dealt with by  the Provincial
Government of Papua and the Provincial Government of West Papua, as well as municipalities, local governments and such agencies a the
DPRP, DPR-PB, MRP and MRP PB., along with all the various other institutions in the Land of Papua.

   The results of the evaluation  would contribute towards revising the Law on Special Autonomy, all of which will help resolve  the many
problems that have been the source of the conflict between Papua and Indonesia for the past fifty years.

   If all these actions are undertaken, it will contribute constructively towards making Papua a Land of Peace in accordance with
social-political, social-cultural and social-economic needs of the Papuan people as an integral part of the Republic of Indonesia.

Yan Christian Warinussy, Executive-Director of LP3BH.
Translated by Carmel Budiardjo